ForeignAffairsMag在2021-06-14~2021-06-20的言论

2021-06-18 作者: ForeignAffairsMag 原文 #Reddit 的其它文章

4: America Is Back—but for How Long? Political Polarization and the End of U.S. Credibility, submitted on 2021-06-14 23:03:51+08:00.

—– 4.1 —–2021-06-14 23:06:26+08:00:

[SS from the essay by Rachel Myrick, Assistant Research Professor of Political Science at Duke University.]
International relations scholars have long recognized that democracies enjoy several advantages when it comes to making foreign policy. For one thing, they are stable. In autocracies, when leaders are removed from power irregularly—such as through revolutions or military coups—the transitions often herald dramatic swings in foreign policy. By contrast, in democracies, where leader turnover occurs in the context of regular elections, foreign policy tends to remain fairly consistent during political transitions.

As domestic polarization increases, however, partisan conflict is more likely to extend into foreign policy. In the United States, foreign policy remains less polarized than domestic policy. Even so, public opinion polls and patterns of congressional roll call votes show an increasing divergence between Democrats and Republicans on foreign affairs. As these preferences harden, one should anticipate more dramatic changes in foreign policy when the party controlling the White House changes.

5: Michael McFaul: How Biden Should Deal With Putin, submitted on 2021-06-15 21:25:52+08:00.

—– 5.1 —–2021-06-15 21:35:55+08:00:

[SS from the essay. McFaul is a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. From 2012 to 2014, he served as U.S. Ambassador to Russia.]

Any plan for containing Russia must start with a strategy for deterring Putin’s belligerent behavior. NATO remains the most important multilateral forum for doing so, and Biden’s appearance at the alliance’s summit in Brussels this week marked a major improvement from the Trump era. But simply showing up is not enough. As he started to do in Brussels this week, Biden must also coax individual members to spend more on defense and on in-kind support for the alliance’s shared capabilities—especially transportation, cyberdefenses, and intelligence sharing. Biden also needs to convince NATO to bolster its naval power in European seas, expand its presence on the alliance’s eastern and southeastern edges, and assist Georgia and Ukraine with their defensive capabilities. Yesterday’s NATO communique, issued by the heads of state and government who participated in the meeting, was a welcome improvement over the Trump years, but it was still aspirational, not operational.

Putin has modernized conventional forces on NATO’s borders; NATO must do so as well. Biden and his counterparts have promised to task NATO’s leadership with rewriting the alliance’s decade-old Strategic Concept—the alliance’s road map for collective defense—to account for China’s rise, cyberthreats, and Russia’s resurgence. But they must be careful to not distract from NATO’s core mission; Russia, not China, remains the main security threat to NATO’s European members.

6: Bernie Sanders: Washington’s Dangerous New Consensus on China, submitted on 2021-06-18 00:55:55+08:00.

—– 6.1 —–2021-06-18 01:02:07+08:00:

[SS from the author’s essay]

Twenty years ago, the American economic and political establishment was wrong about China. Today, the consensus view has changed, but it is once again wrong. Now, instead of extolling the virtues of free trade and openness toward China, the establishment beats the drums for a new Cold War, casting China as an existential threat to the United States. We are already hearing politicians and representatives of the military-industrial complex using this as the latest pretext for larger and larger defense budgets.
I believe it is important to challenge this new consensus—just as it was important to challenge the old one. The Chinese government is surely guilty of many policies and practices that I oppose and that all Americans should oppose: the theft of technology, the suppression of workers’ rights and the press, the repression taking place in Tibet and Hong Kong, Beijing’s threatening behavior toward Taiwan, and the Chinese government’s atrocious policies toward the Uyghur people. The United States should also be concerned about China’s aggressive global ambitions. The United States should continue to press these issues in bilateral talks with the Chinese government and in multilateral institutions such as the UN Human Rights Council. That approach would be far more credible and effective if the United States upholds a consistent position on human rights toward its own allies and partners.

Organizing our foreign policy around a zero-sum global confrontation with China, however, will fail to produce better Chinese behavior and be politically dangerous and strategically counterproductive.


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